Pedophilia study yet another slight to the short

Pedophilia study yet another slight to the short

Lynda Hurst      
Feature Writer     

Consider, if you will, the world of shorter men:

They’re more likely to be bullied as children. Just ask one of them about what the pecking order was like for a “squirt” in the playground. But they’re also more likely to have poor self-esteem, earn lower incomes and have less rewarding careers, develop high blood pressure and coronary disease; oh, and to remain childless, because they’re more likely to lose out in love, women having an evolutionary predilection for partners taller than themselves.

And if shorter men get mad and fight back – try to make their mark in a world that is widely if unwittingly biased against them – they get ridiculed as aggressive little Napoleons.

The last thing they needed this, or any other, week was to read that short stature is being linked to pedophilia. That had all the characteristics of a final straw.

But a new study by Toronto’s Centre for Addiction and Mental Health has found that men who are sexually attracted to children tend to be shorter than the average male height, which in Canada is five-feet-10 inches.

“It’s ridiculous,” groans Christopher Hamre. “It’s also dangerous. To equate short men with pedophilia is painting with far too broad a brush.”

The study stresses that the vast majority of short men have zero sexual proclivity toward children, but Hamre knows that won’t mitigate matters. He’s vice president of the media watchdog and education group NOSSA (the New York-based National Organization for Short-Statured Adults), and he’s seen enough overgeneralizing studies and the headlines they generate to last him a lifetime.

This one is almost as bad, he says, as the study last year by two Princeton economists. Then he corrects himself. No, being linked to pedophilia is worse.

The Princeton study found a correlation between height and intelligence. On average, it said, the taller earn more money than the shorter not only because of workplace discrimination against the latter – which has long been demonstrated – but because they are actually smarter.

And they’re smarter because they received better prenatal care and good nutrition in the critical birth-to-age-3 period.

Hamre, who is 5′ 3″, doesn’t buy it. He believes stature is 95 per cent genetic; the rest, okay, good early nutrition. But his parents are short, therefore so is he. End of (short) story: “If you’re taller than Einstein (5’9″),” he scoffs, “would you be smarter?”

Ah, the injustices of diminished longitude. The old Napoleon complex business, for a start.

That all began in 1912 when Austrian psychologist Alfred Adler came up with the idea of the inferiority complex. He cited Napoleon as an example of someone driven to aggressive extremes to compensate for a perceived lack. In other words, he picked a fight with the rest of Europe to counteract his diminutive stature. Just one problem: Napoleon was 5′ 6″, not especially short for his time.

Politically correct researchers now prefer “short man syndrome,” and at least one believes he has debunked it. In research conducted this spring for a BBC program titled F— Off, I’m Short, English psychologist Mike Eslea had 10 men of average height and 10 shorter men duel with wooden sticks.

One of each pair was instructed to deliberately provoke the other by rapping him across the knuckles. Heart monitors tracking physical reaction revealed it was the taller, not shorter, men who lost their temper faster and hit back.

“The results were consistent with the view that small man syndrome is a pervasive myth,” said Eslea. “When people see a short man being aggressive, they’re likely to think it is due to his size simply because that attribute grabs their attention.”

Do we really venerate the tall and stigmatize the small? Yes, in spades.

We’re infinitely more likely to make thoughtless, disparaging cracks about short people because nobody gets pulled up short for doing it. Except for Randy Newman, who went too far with his “Short People (got no reason to live)” song, which he has apparently regretted ever since.

Take the infamous 1970s New York magazine piece which used a grid to determine how short Robert Redford actually was, seeing as he refused to give his height and the editors suspected for good reason. Comparing photos of him with actors whose height was known, they mathematically concluded he was 5′ 9″, just.

Small wonder that 5′ 6″ Dustin Hoffman is said to have spent years in therapy. Or the best way Nicole Kidman could get back at Tom Cruise for ending their marriage was to say on TV that, happily, she “can wear high heels again.” Princess Diana said the same thing in private.

Research has shown that height prejudice exists in politics (taller candidates tend to win), business, sports, of course, and earnings potential. An inch of height is said to be worth $789 a year in salary, about $5,525 more per year. Compounded over the course of a 30-year career, that’s literally hundreds of thousands of dollars more. Because of your height.

The findings are replicated time and again.

Tall men are regarded as natural leaders. They’re looked up to, figuratively and literally, while shorter men are looked down on, or just overlooked. And it’s universally true. Since 2004, China, never loath to interferfere with its citizens’ lives, has had a policy restricting government jobs to those deemed of sufficient height.

The famous survey of CEOs at America’s Fortune 500 companies found that 58 per cent of them stood 6′ tall or more; only 3 per cent 5′ 7″or less. Which seems to reflect the findings of a 1987 study which asked people to rate the qualities of men of varying heights. Whether short or tall themselves, participants rated shorter men as less mature, less positive, less secure, less masculine, less successful, less capable, less confident, less outgoing, more inhibited and more passive.

And it’s true that women, responding to some primeval need, consistently select men taller than themselves. Height translates as strength and good health, traits they want to pass on to their children.

Only two of 79 women in one U.S. study said they’d date a shorter man; the rest wanted someone at least 1.7 inches taller. In a survey of married couples, less than one-half of 1 per cent of the wives were taller than their husbands.

“The universally acknowledged cardinal rule of mate selection is that the male will be significantly taller than the female,” write two U.S. psychologists, Leslie Martel and Henry Biller, in Stature and Stigma. “This rule is almost inviolable.”

Which is short-sighted, theorizes Nicholas Herpin at the National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies in Paris. In a study of 2,000 European men, he found that the tall did indeed enjoy all the predictable rewards, but the fact that shorter men remain single longer could be a plus: “They have shown they are hard workers and therefore look like reliable providers; they are in a position to compensate for their physical handicap.”

Indubitably true. But, to the diminutive out there, cold comfort in a big, mean world.

Therefore, it may help to know that the sexual deviance study also found that pedophiles are three times more likely to be left-handed. But that’s a group no one, short or tall, wants to tangle with.

Source :




n. recurrent, intense, sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child
–American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual

It’s easier not to ask too many questions about pedophilia. The questions make you blush; some of the answers make your skin crawl. But it seems that almost daily we see another grown man tell his story and weep, suddenly becoming the terrified kid he once was. All the revelations, all spilling out at once, have created a fog: Why are there so many people who want to molest children? How can we stop them? Are we overreacting?

The flood of reports could almost make you think that everyone who sexually abuses a child is a Roman Catholic priest. In fact, the perpetrators are a disturbingly diverse lot. There’s the Chicago-area nurse who molested up to 18 patients, including a 9-year-old girl who had suffered a brain aneurysm and later died. There’s the 33-year-old Nevada day-care worker who committed hundreds of sexual acts on at least nine children, mostly ages 2 and 3–and videotaped them. Some of the most heartbreaking allegations involve the American Boychoir School, a top choral program in Princeton, N.J. More than a dozen alumni from the 1960s to the ’80s now say they were sexually abused by at least 11 former staff members. Says John Hardwicke Jr., 44, who claims he was raped repeatedly at the boarding school: “What we all seemed to share was this sense of darkness.”

But it is possible to cast light on this difficult subject. Though researchers have many unanswered questions about child sexual abusers, a serious, if small, academic field is devoted to understanding and preventing their behavior–and to comprehending its effects on their victims. Such work can require cold-eyed questions that poke around the edges of our darkest taboos. At the outset, it’s important to note that news accounts often conflate two phenomena: pedophilia and child sexual abuse. According to Dr. Fred Berlin, a Johns Hopkins University professor who founded the National Institute for the Study, Prevention and Treatment of Sexual Trauma in Baltimore, Md., pedophilia is a distinct sexual orientation marked by persistent, sometimes exclusive, attraction to prepubescent children. Dr. John Bradford, a University of Ottawa psychiatrist who has spent 23 years studying pedophilia–which is listed as an illness in the manual psychiatrists use to make diagnoses–estimates its prevalence at maybe 4% of the population. (Those attracted to teenagers are sometimes said to suffer “ephebophilia,” but perhaps because so many youth-obsessed Americans would qualify, psychiatrists don’t classify ephebophilia as an illness.)

A psychiatric diagnosis of pedophilia merely indicates one’s desires; not all pedophiles act on their urges and actually commit child sexual abuse. Plenty of sexual abuse of kids is committed by ordinary people not generally attracted to children. That’s one reason the incidence of child sexual abuse is so maddeningly high. A Department of Health and Human Services study estimates that victimizers sexually abused 93,000 U.S. children in 1999 (the latest year for which data are available). But there is some good news. Last year the Department of Justice reported that the number of substantiated cases of child sexual abuse has been decreasing, from a peak of nearly 150,000 in 1992 to about 104,000 in 1998–a drop of almost one-third. The authors say vigorous incarceration of offenders over the past few years may be partly responsible.

But if we have punished our way out of the problem somewhat, we still don’t have a long-term solution. Many people assume that not only priests but also teachers, Boy Scout leaders and other adults who work with kids are responsible for most child sexual abuse, but that’s a misconception. Half of child sexual abusers are the parents of the victims; other relatives commit 18% of the offenses. And the sad truth is that preventing incest is nearly impossible. Less than one-third of perpetrators know their victims from outside the home. But non-family abusers may be easier to pick out–many are adults who shower uncommon attention on children–and thus easier to stop.

Although news reports focus on horrific serial offenders, experts say it’s possible, with treatment, to prevent pedophiles from abusing kids. States have incarcerated many child sexual abusers, but most eventually get out (average sentence: 11 years). Active pedophiles who find their way into the few treatment programs around the country turn out to be less of a risk than those who are locked up for a while and released.

Berlin runs one of the largest such programs in the nation. Since 1991 hundreds of pedophiles have gone to the creaky Victorian building that houses his clinic. Berlin sees their condition as similar to alcoholism–incurable but treatable–and some of his methods sound similar to those of Alcoholics Anonymous. The pedophiles must admit their urges and confront them in group therapy. Counselors help them restructure their lives so that they don’t come into contact with children. Berlin prescribes medication to reduce sex drives for the 30% of his patients who don’t respond to nondrug therapy.

There is nothing new or scientifically subtle about these drugs: they squash testosterone levels and therefore suppress sexual hunger. (High, long-term doses of the drugs are known as “chemical castration,” a misnomer because sex drive returns if the injections stop.) But together, drugs and counseling can be effective. Contrary to popular perception, a raft of studies has shown that once in treatment, few pedophiles relapse. In 1991 the American Journal of Forensic Psychiatry published a study of 400 of Berlin’s patients; only 1.2% of those who had complied with his 2 1/2-year treatment were known to have molested kids again three years after finishing the course. Surprisingly, only 5.6% of those who were discharged for noncompliance offended in that period. Similarly, a 2002 study by St. Luke Institute, a psychiatric hospital outside Washington, followed 121 priests for one to five years and found that after treatment only three had relapsed, according to the Rev. Stephen Rossetti, who runs St. Luke. “People don’t grow up and say, ‘I want to be a pedophile,'” says Rossetti. “All the people I’ve ever talked to hate it.”

Other studies that look back over longer periods–five to 10 years–find higher percentages of pedophiles who strike again, as high as 58% for those who refuse treatment. Such disparities highlight how uncertain the study of pedophilia is, but even the higher figure belies the popular notion that if a pedophile is allowed to go free, he will almost always molest again. “It’s very easy to say, ‘Throw away the key,'” says Berlin. “But many of these people are tortured by these temptations, and they are relieved that we can do something for them.”

Few pedophiles get this help, as Berlin is one of only a dozen or so doctors who run such clinics in North America. “We don’t have Betty Ford centers for people with sexual disorders,” he says. Instead, a 1996 federal law requires sex offenders to register with state authorities. When an offender is released from prison, the state can (and often does) notify neighbors. It’s unclear whether the legislation is preventing abuse.

One difficulty in treating pedophiles is that we know little about their condition. Could people become pedophiles because they were sexually victimized as kids? That theory makes common sense, but only one-third of pedophiles say they were abused. Could pedophilia be a brain disease? Bradford of the University of Ottawa says studies of pedophiles’ brains have shown differences in the way they react to changes in hormone levels, but he says the research is in its earliest stages. Other scientists have posited several risk factors that can lead to pedophilia, including chromosomal abnormalities, psychological problems during puberty and even being brothers: The Journal of Psychology in 2000 reported that “a gap of several years between brothers might deprive the pedophile of companionship in formative years of sexual behavior development.”

But such ideas are still guesswork. “If we really want to understand these people and develop good ways to prevent pedophilia, we need a national demographic survey,” says Berlin. “The funding is minuscule, so the research is incomplete.” And politically fraught. Everyone who works in the field constantly negotiates America’s discomfort with children and sex. Yet understanding child sexual abuse means not only exploring its prevalence, causes and treatments–issues that focus on the abuser–but finding the best way to help victims cope as well. And that research is positively radioactive.

Consider the most basic question of such inquiry: What constitutes a victim of child sexual abuse? By definition, pedophiles prey on the prepubescent. No one would seriously argue that a 6- or even 10-year-old can meaningfully consent to sex. But what about those 12 and older, who make up nearly half of all juvenile sex-abuse victims? The states define the age of consent for sex differently. Most say it is 16, but some say 18. In Hawaii, it’s 14. So are teenagers from the onset of puberty (usually about 13) to the age of sexual majority (usually 16) always victims when they have sex with someone older?

Legally speaking, as the differences in legal adulthood indicate, the younger partners are not always treated as victims. Even in states where the age of consent is 18, prosecutors rarely go after, say, a 23-year-old for sleeping with a 17-year-old. Given that up to half of teens say they have had sex while a minor, “millions of statutory-rape cases occur every day,” says Michelle Oberman, a DePaul University rape-law specialist.

Different cultures have different views on whether adult-adolescent sex is always wrong. In the Netherlands, the law allows children ages 12 to 16 to make their own decision about sex, though if Mom and Dad feel a relationship is exploitative, they can ask the authorities to investigate. Most Americans would find such a law abhorrent. Recently, the University of Minnesota initiated an unusual review of its university press after it published a book that calls the Dutch law “a good model.” Judith Levine’s Harmful to Minors: The Perils of Protecting Children from Sex, scheduled to arrive in bookstores this month, asserts that “teens often seek out sex with older people … For some teens, a romance with an older person can feel more like salvation than victimization.”

Source : time



Pedophilia (or paedophilia) is a psychological disorder in which an adult or older adolescent experiences a sexual preference for prepubescent children. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), pedophilia is specified as a form of paraphilia in which a person either has intense sexual urges towards children, and experiences recurrent sexual urges towards and fantasies about children that they have either acted on, or cause distress or interpersonal difficulty. The diagnosis can be made under the DSM or ICD criteria for persons age 16 and older. The disorder is common among people who commit child sexual abuse; however, some offenders do not meet the clinical diagnosis standards for pedophilia.[8] In strictly behavioral contexts, the word “pedophilia” has been used to refer to child sexual abuse itself, also called “pedophilic behavior”.

In law enforcement, the term “pedophile” is loosely used without formal definition to describe those convicted of child sexual abuse or the sexual abuse of a minor, including both prepubescent children and pubescent or post-pubescent adolescents. An example of this use can be seen in various forensic training manuals. Researchers recommend that this imprecise use be avoided. In common usage, the term refers to any adult who is sexually attracted to young children or who sexually abuses a child or adolescent minor.

The causes of pedophilia are not known; research is ongoing.] Most pedophiles are men, though there are also women who are pedophiles. Due to the stereotype that pedophiles are always male, it has been difficult to determine the prevalence of female pedophiles; however, studies in the United Kingdom and United States suggest that a range of 5% to 20% of child sexual abuse offenses are perpetrated by women.

In forensic psychology and law enforcement, there have been a variety of typologies suggested to categorize pedophiles according to behavior and motivations. No significant curative treatment for pedophilia has yet been found. There are, however, certain therapies that can reduce the incidence of pedophilic behaviors that result in child sexual abuse.

Etymology and history

The word comes from the Greek: παιδοφιλία (paidophilia): παῖς (pais), “child” and φιλία (philia), “friendship”. Paidophilia was coined by Greek poets either as a substitute for “paiderastia” (pederasty),[22] or vice versa.

The term paedophilia erotica was coined in 1886 by the Viennese psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing in his writing Psychopathia Sexualis.[23] The term appears in a section titled “Violation of Individuals Under the Age of Fourteen,” which focuses on the forensic psychiatry aspect of Child Sexual Offenders in general. Krafft-Ebing describes several typologies of offender, dividing them into psychopathological and non-psychopathological origins, and hypothesizes several apparent causal factors that may lead to the sexual abuse of children.

After listing several typologies of sexual offender, Krafft-Ebing then mentioned one final typology, which he refers to as a “psycho-sexual perversion”: paedophilia erotica. He noted that he had only encountered it four times in his career and gave brief descriptions of each case, as well as noting they all have three traits in common:

Their attraction is persistent (Krafft-Ebing refers to this as being “tainted”)

The subject’s primary attraction is to children, rather than adults.

The acts committed by the subject are typically not intercourse, but rather involve inappropriate touching or manipulating the child into performing an act on the subject.

It is notable that this work also indicates several cases of pedophilia among adult women (provided by another physician), and also considered the abuse of boys by homosexual men to be extremely rare. Further clarifying this point, he indicated that cases of adult men who have some medical or neurological disorder and abuse a male child are not true pedophilia, and that in his observation victims of such men tended to be older and pubescent. He also lists “Pseudopaedophilia” as a related condition wherein “individuals who have lost libido for the adult through masturbation and subsequently turn to children for the gratification of their sexual appetite” and claimed this is much more common.

In 1908, Swiss neuroanatomist and psychiatrist Auguste Forel wrote of the phenomenon, proposing that it be referred to it as “Pederosis,” the “Sexual Appetite for Children.” Similar to Krafft-Ebing’s work, Forel made the distinction between incidental sexual abuse by person’s with dementia and other organic brain conditions, and the truly preferential and sometimes exclusive sexual desire for children. However, he disagreed with Krafft-Ebing in that he felt the condition of the latter was largely ingrained and unchangeable.

The term “Pedophilia” became the generally accepted term for the condition and saw widespread adoption in the early 20th century, appearing in many popular medical dictionaries such as the 5th Edition of Stedman’s. In 1952, it was included in the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders This edition and the subsequent DSM-II listed the disorder as one subtype of the classification “Sexual Deviation,” but no diagnostic criteria were provided. The DSM-III, published in 1980, contained a full description of the disorder and provided a set of guidelines for diagnosis. The revision in 1987, the DSM-III-R, kept the description largely the same, but updated and expanded the diagnostic criteria.


The ICD (International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems) (F65.4) defines pedophilia as “a sexual preference for children, boys or girls or both, usually of prepubertal or early pubertal age.”[1] Under this system’s criteria, a person 16 years of age or older meets the definition if they have a persistent or predominant sexual preference for prepubescent children at least five years younger than them.

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th edition Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) outlines specific criteria for use in the diagnosis of this disorder. These include the presence of sexually arousing fantasies, behaviors or urges that involve some kind of sexual activity with a prepubescent child (often aged 13 or younger) for six months or more, and that the subject has acted on these urges or suffers from distress as a result of having these feelings. The criteria also indicate that the subject should be 16 or older and that child or children they fantasize about are at least five years younger than them, though ongoing sexual relationships between a 12-13 year old and a late adolescent are advised to be excluded. A diagnosis is further specified by the sex of the children the person is attracted to, if the impulses or acts are limited to incest, and if the attraction is “exclusive” or “nonexclusive”.

Exclusive pedophiles are attracted to children, and children only. They show little erotic interest in adults their own age and in some cases, can only become aroused while fantasizing or being in the presence of prepubescent children. Nonexclusive pedophiles are attracted to both children and adults, and can be sexually aroused by both. According to a U.S. study on 2429 adult male pedophile sex offenders, only 7% identified themselves as exclusive; indicating that many or most pedophiles fall into the nonexclusive category.[7] Some systems further differentiate types of offender in more specific categories (see Child Sexual Offender Types).

Neither the ICD nor the DSM diagnostic criteria require actual sexual activity with a prepubescent youth. The diagnosis can therefore be made based on the presence of fantasies or sexual urges even if they have never been acted upon. On the other hand, a person who acts upon these urges yet experiences no distress about their fantasies or urges can also qualify for the diagnosis. Acting on sexual urges is not limited to overt sex acts for purposes of this diagnosis, and can sometimes include indecent exposure, voyeuristic or frotteuristic behaviors, or masturbating to child pornography. Often these behaviors need to be considered in-context with an element of clinical judgment before a diagnosis is made. Likewise, when the patient is in late adolescence, the age difference is not specified in hard numbers and instead requires careful consideration of the situation.[29]

Nepiophilia, also called infantophilia, is used to refer to a sexual preference for toddlers and infants (usually ages 0–3).[30]

Ego-dystonic sexual orientation (F66.1) includes people who do not doubt that they have a prepubertal sexual preference, but wish it were different because of associated psychological and behavioral disorders. The WHO allows for the patient to seek treatment to change their sexual orientation.

Biological associations

Beginning in 2002, researchers began reporting a series of findings linking pedophilia with brain structure and function: Pedophilic (and hebephilic) men have lower IQs, poorer scores on memory tests, greater rates of non-right-handedness, greater rates of school grade failure over and above the IQ differences, lesser physical height, greater probability of having suffered childhood head injuries resulting in unconsciousness and several differences in MRI-detected brain structures. They report that their findings suggest that there are one or more neurological characteristics present at birth that cause or increase the likelihood of being pedophilic. Evidence of familial transmittability “suggests, but does not prove that genetic factors are responsible” for the development of pedophilia.

Another study, using structural MRI, shows that male pedophiles have a lower volume of white matter than a control group.

Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) has shown that child molesters diagnosed with pedophilia have reduced activation of the hypothalamus as compared with non-pedophilic persons when viewing sexually arousing pictures of adults.[43] A 2008 functional neuroimaging study notes that central processing of sexual stimuli in heterosexual “paedophile forensic inpatients” may be altered by a disturbance in the prefrontal networks, which “may be associated with stimulus-controlled behaviours, such as sexual compulsive behaviours.” The findings may also suggest “a dysfunction at the cognitive stage of sexual arousal processing.”

Blanchard, Cantor, and Robichaud (2006) reviewed the research that attempted to identify hormonal aspects of pedophiles. They concluded that there is some evidence that pedophilic men have less testosterone than controls, but that the research is of poor quality and that it is difficult to draw any firm conclusion from it.

While not causes of pedophilia themselves, comorbid psychiatric illnesses — such as personality disorders and substance abuse — are risk factors for acting on pedophilic urges. Blanchard, Cantor, and Robichaud (2006) noted about comorbid psychiatric illnesses that, “The theoretical implications are not so clear. Do particular genes or noxious factors in the prenatal environment predispose a male to develop both affective disorders and pedophilia, or do the frustration, danger, and isolation engendered by unacceptable sexual desires—or their occasional furtive satisfaction—lead to anxiety and despair?”They indicated that, because they previously found mothers of pedophiles to be more likely to have undergone psychiatric treatment, the genetic possibility is more likely.

Psychopathology and personality traits

Several researchers have reported correlations between pedophilia and certain psychological characteristics, such as low self-esteem[46][47] and poor social skills.[48] Cohen et al. (2002), studying child sex offenders, states that pedophiles have impaired interpersonal functioning and elevated passive-aggressiveness, as well as impaired self-concept. Regarding disinhibitory traits, pedophiles demonstrate elevated sociopathy and propensity for cognitive distortions. According to the authors, pathologic personality traits in pedophiles lend support to a hypothesis that such pathology is related to both motivation for and failure to inhibit pedophilic behavior.

According to Wilson and Cox (1983), “The paedophiles emerge as significantly higher on Psychoticism, Introversion and Neurotocism than age-matched controls. [But] there is a difficulty in untangling cause and effect. We cannot tell whether paedophiles gravitate towards children because, being highly introverted, they find the company of children less threatening than that of adults, or whether the social withdrawal implied by their introversion is a result of the isloation engendered by their preference (i.e., awareness of the social approbation and hostility that it evokes”

Studying child sex offenders, a review of qualitative research studies published between 1982 and 2001 concluded that pedophiles use cognitive distortions to meet personal needs, justifying abuse by making excuses, redefining their actions as love and mutuality, and exploiting the power imbalance inherent in all adult-child relationships. Other cognitive distortions include the idea of “children as sexual beings,” “uncontrollability of sexuality,” and “sexual entitlement-bias.”

One review of the literature concludes that research on personality correlates and psychopathology in pedophiles is rarely methodologically correct, in part owing to confusion between pedophiles and child sex offenders, as well as the difficulty of obtaining a representative, community sample of pedophiles.[53] Seto (2004) points out that pedophiles who are available from a clinical setting are likely there because of distress over their sexual preference or pressure from others. This increases the likelihood that they will show psychological problems. Similarly, pedophiles recruited from a correctional setting have been convicted of a crime, making it more likely that they will show anti-social characteristics.

Prevalence and child molestation

The prevalence of pedophilia in the general population is not known,[54] and research is highly variable owing to varying definitions and criteria. The term pedophile is commonly used to describe all child sexual abuse offenders, including those who do not meet the clinical diagnosis standards. This use is seen as problematic by some people.[8] Some researchers, such as Howard E. Barbaree,[55] have endorsed the use of actions as a sole criterion for the diagnosis of pedophilia as a means of taxonomic simplification, rebuking the American Psychiatric Association’s standards as “unsatisfactory”.

A perpetrator of child sexual abuse is commonly assumed to be and referred to as a pedophile; however, there may be other motivations for the crime[55] (such as stress, marital problems, or the unavailability of an adult partner).[56] Child sexual abuse may or may not be an indicator that its perpetrator is a pedophile. Many terms have been used to distinguish “true pedophiles” from nonpedophilic offenders, or to distinguish among types of offenders on a continuum according to strength and exclusivity of pedophilic interest, and motivation for the offense (see Child Sexual Offender Types).

Perpetrators who meet the diagnostic criteria for pedophilia offend more often than non-pedophile perpetrators, and with a greater number of victims. According to the Mayo Clinic, approximately 95% of child sexual abuse incidents are committed by the 88% of child molestation offenders who meet the diagnostic criteria for pedophilia.[7] A behavioral analysis report by the FBI states that a “high percentage of acquaintance child molesters are preferential sex offenders who have a true sexual preference for children (i.e., pedophiles).”

A review article in the British Journal of Psychiatry notes the overlap between extrafamilial and intrafamilial offenders. One study found that around half of the fathers and stepfathers in its sample who were referred for committing extrafamilial abuse had also been abusing their own children.

As noted by Abel, Mittleman, and Becker[58] (1985) and Ward et al. (1995), there are generally large distinctions between the two types of offenders’ characteristics. Situational offenders tend to offend at times of stress; have a later onset of offending; have fewer, often familial victims; and have a general preference for adult partners. Pedophilic offenders, however, often start offending at an early age; often have a large number of victims who are frequently extrafamilial; are more inwardly driven to offend; and have values or beliefs that strongly support an offense lifestyle. Research suggests that incest offenders recidivate at approximately half the rate of extrafamilial child molesters, and one study estimated that by the time of entry to treatment, nonincestuous pedophiles who molest boys had committed an average of 282 offenses against 150 victims.

Some child molesters — pedophilic or not — threaten their victims to stop them from reporting their actions.[3] Others, like those that often victimize children, can develop complex ways of getting access to children, like gaining the trust of a child’s parent, trading children with other pedophiles or, infrequently, get foster children from non-industrialized nations or abduct child victims from strangers.[3] Pedophiles may often act interested in the child, to gain the child’s interest, loyalty and affection to keep the child from letting others know about the abuse.


Although pedophilia has yet no cure, various treatments are available that are aimed at reducing or preventing the expression of pedophilic behavior, reducing the prevalence of child sexual abuse. Treatment of pedophilia often requires collaboration between law enforcement and health care professionals. A number of proposed treatment techniques for pedophilia have been developed, though the success rate of these therapies has been very low.

Cognitive behavioral therapy (“relapse prevention”)

Cognitive behavioral therapy has been shown to reduce recidivism in contact sex offenders.

According to Canadian sexologist Michael Seto, cognitive-behavioral treatments target attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that are believed to increase the likelihood of sexual offenses against children, and “relapse prevention” is the most common type of cognitive-behavioral treatment. The techniques of relapse prevention are based on principles used for treating addictions. Other scientists have also done some research that indicates that recidivism rates of pedophiles in therapy are lower than pedophiles who eschew therapy, says Dr. Zonana.

Behavioral interventions

Behavioral treatments target sexual arousal to children, using satiation and aversion techniques to suppress sexual arousal to children and covert sensitization (or masturbatory reconditioning) to increase sexual arousal to adults.[63] Behavioral treatments appear to have an effect on sexual arousal patterns on phallometric testing, but it is not known whether the test changes represent changes in sexual interests or changes in the ability to control genital arousal during testing.

Applied behavior analysis has been applied with sex offenders with mental disabilities.

Pharmacological interventions

Medications are used to lower sex drive in pedophiles by interfering with the activity of testosterone, such as with Depo-Provera (medroxyprogesterone acetate), Androcur (cyproterone acetate), and Lupron (leuprolide acetate).

Gonadotropin-releasing hormone analogues, which last longer and have fewer side-effects, are also effective in reducing libido and may be used.

These treatments, commonly referred to as “chemical castration”, are often used in conjunction with the non-medical approaches noted above. According the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, “Anti-androgen treatment should be coupled with appropriate monitoring and counseling within a comprehensive treatment plan.”

In a controlled Depo-Provera treatment study of 40 sex offenders — including 23 pedophiles — who received Depo-Provera, and 21 sex offenders who received psychotherapy alone, the outcome follow-up of the treated group as compared to the untreated group demonstrated that the reoffense rate for the Depo-Provera-treated group was significantly lower. Eighteen percent reoffended while receiving medication; 35 percent reoffended after stopping medication. In contrast, 58 percent of the control patients, who received psychotherapy alone, reoffended. Patients defined as regressed were much more likely to reoffend off therapy than the patients defined as fixated.

Other therapies

Klaus M. Beier of the Institute of Sexology and Sexual Medicine at Charité, a university hospital in Berlin, reported success in a preliminary study using role-play therapy and “impulse-curbing drugs” to help pedophiles avoid sexually assaulting a child. According to researchers, contact child sex offenders were better able to control their urges once they understood the prepubescent youth’s view.

Limitations of treatment

Although these results are relevant to the prevention of reoffending in contact child sex offenders, there is no empirical suggestion that such therapy is a cure for pedophilia. Dr. Fred Berlin, founder of the Johns Hopkins Sexual Disorders Clinic, believes that pedophilia could be successfully treated if the medical community would give it more attention.

Legal and social issues

Misuse of terminology

The words “pedophile” and “pedophilia” are frequently misused to refer to situations in which an older person has sexual relations with a person who is below the legal age of consent, but is pubescent or post-pubescent . The terms “hebephilia” or “ephebophilia” may be more accurate in these cases,[16] but even then may be erroneously used to refer to the actus reus itself, rather than the correct meaning, which is a preference for that age group on the part of the older individual. Even more problematic are situations where the terms are misused to refer to relationships where the younger person is an adult of legal age, but is either perceived socially as being too young in comparison to their older partner, or the older partner occupies a position of authority over them.

Pedophile activism

During the late 1950s to early 1990s, several pedophile membership organizations advocated age of consent reform to lower or abolish age of consent laws, and for the acceptance of pedophilia as a sexual orientation rather than a psychological disorder,[80] and the legalization of child pornography. The efforts of pedophile advocacy groups did not gain any public support[76][79][81][82][83] and today those few groups that have not dissolved have only minimal membership and have ceased their activities other than through a few websites.

Anti-pedophile activism

Main article: Anti-pedophile activism

Anti-pedophile activism encompasses opposition against pedophiles, against pedophile advocacy groups, and against other phenomena that are seen as related to pedophilia, such as child pornography and child sexual abuse.[86] Much of the direct action classified as anti-pedophile involves demonstrations against sex offenders, groups advocating legalization of sexual activity between adults and children,[88] and internet users who solicit sex from teens.

Moral panic and vigilantism

In the 1990s and 2000s, there have been several moral panics related to misuse of the term “pedophile” with regards to unusual crimes of abuse such as high-profile cases of child abduction and murder,[89] and popular press reports of ideas such as stranger danger, satanic ritual abuse and the day care sex abuse hysteria. There has been vigilatism directed against convicted or publicly suspected child sex offenders such as the mob violence resulting from the News of the World “naming and shaming” campaign in the UK in the early 2000s.



It is difficult to estimate the true prevalence of pedophilia because few pedophiles voluntarily seek treatment and because most of the available data are based on individuals who have become involved with the legal system. It is unknown how many individuals have pedophilic fantasies and never act on them or who do act but are never caught. An estimated 1 in 20 cases of child sexual abuse is reported or identified. Two Canadian studies, which randomly sampled 750 women and 750 men between the ages of 18 and 27 years, found that 32% of the women and 15.6% of the men had experienced “unwanted sexual contact” before the age of 17 years. These numbers are similar to studies in the United States that report 17% to 31% of females and 7% to 16% of males experienced unwanted sexual contact before the age of 18 years. In the Canadian studies, of those reporting unwanted sexual encounters, 21% of the females and 44% of the males experienced repetitive assault Of note, most of the one-time offenses reported by females were committed by another adolescent of similar age. A strong correlation was found between the number of times either a girl or a boy was molested and the occurrence of eventual unwanted penetration (either vaginal or anal) One percent of the males, who were anonymously surveyed, reported having sexually assaulted a child themselves since they became an adult  


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Pedophilia is a clinical diagnosis usually made by a psychiatrist or psychologist. It is not a criminal or legal term, such as forcible sexual offense, which is a legal term often used in criminal statistics. The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s National Incident-Based Reporting System’s (NIBRS) definition of forcible sexual offenses includes any sexual act directed against another person forcibly and/or against that person’s will or not forcibly or against the person’s will in which the injured party is incapable of giving consent. By diagnostic criteria of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, a pedophile is an individual who fantasizes about, is sexually aroused by, or experiences sexual urges toward prepubescent children (generally <13 years) for a period of at least 6 months. Pedophiles are either severely distressed by these sexual urges, experience interpersonal difficulties because of them, or act on them. Pedophiles usually come to medical or legal attention by committing an act against a child because most do not find their sexual fantasies distressing or ego-dystonic enough to voluntarily seek treatment.

Generally, the individual must be at least 16 years of age and at least 5 years older than the juvenile of interest to meet criteria for pedophilia. In cases that involve adolescent offenders, factors such as emotional and sexual maturity may be taken into account before a diagnosis of pedophilia is made. Pedophiles usually report that their attraction to children begins around the time of their puberty or adolescence, but this sexual attraction to children can also develop later in life. If the clinical diagnosis of pedophilia is based on a specific act, it usually is not solely the result of intoxication or caused by another state or condition that may affect judgment, such as mania. These cases are distinguished from pedophilia by the act being contrary to the individual’s usual sexual behaviors and fantasies. Some studies have found that as many as 50% to 60% of pedophiles also have a substance abuse or dependence diagnosis, but what is important is that their attraction to children is present in both the sober and the intoxicated state.

The course of pedophilia is usually long term. In a study that examined the relationship between age and types of sexual crimes, Dickey et alfound that up to 44% of pedophiles in their sample of 168 sex offenders were in the older adult age range (age, 40-70 years). When compared with rapists and sexual sadists, pedophiles comprise 60% of all older offenders, indicating that pedophiles offend in their later years at a greater rate than other sexual offenders.

Technically, individuals who engage in sexual activities with pubescent teenagers under the legal age of consent (ages 13-16 years) are known as hebophiles (attracted to females) or ephebophiles (attracted to males). The term hebophilia (also spelled as hebephilia) is becoming a generic term to describe sexual interest in either male or female pubescent children. Distinctions noted in the literature between hebophiles and pedophiles are that hebophiles tend to be more interested in having reciprocal sexual affairs or relationships with children, are more opportunistic when engaging in sexual acts, have better social functioning, and have a better posttreatment prognosis than pedophiles. The term teleiophile applies to an adult who prefers physically mature partners. There is also a subclassification of pedophilia known as infantophilia, which describes individuals interested in children younger than 5 years. These distinctions are important in understanding current research about paraphilias, selection criteria for studies of sexual behavior, and tests that gauge sexual interest (eg, plethysmography).

Pedophiles may engage in a wide range of sexual acts with children. These activities range from exposing themselves to children (exhibitionism), undressing a child, looking at naked children (voyeurism), or masturbating in the presence of children to more intrusive physical contact, such as rubbing their genitalia against a child (frotteurism), fondling a child, engaging in oral sex, or penetration of the mouth, anus, and/or vagina. Generally, pedophiles do not use force to have children engage in these activities but instead rely on various forms of psychic manipulation and desensitization (eg, progression from innocuous touching to inappropriate touching, showing pornography to children). When confronted about engaging in such activities, pedophiles commonly justify and minimize their actions by stating that the acts “had educational value,” that the child derived pleasure from the acts or attention, or that the child was provocative and encouraged the acts in some wayA US Department of Justice manual for law enforcement officers identifies 5 common psychological defense patterns in pedophiles: (1) denial (eg, “Is it wrong to give a child a hug?”), (2) minimization (“It only happened once”), (3) justification (eg, “I am a boy lover, not a child molester”), (4) fabrication (activities were research for a scholarly project), and (5) attack (character attacks on child, prosecutors, or police, as well as potential for physical violence).

Fifty percent to 70% of pedophiles can be diagnosed as having another paraphilia, such as frotteurism, exhibitionism, voyeurism, or sadism. Pedophiles are approximately 2.5 times more likely to engage in physical contact with a child than simply voyeuristic or exhibitionistic activities. Typically, pedophiles engage in fondling and genital manipulation more than intercourse, with the exceptions occurring in cases of incest, of pedophiles with a preference for older children or adolescents, and when children are physically coerced.

Child molestation is not a medical diagnosis and is not necessarily a term synonymous with pedophilia. A child molester is loosely defined as any individual who touches a child to obtain sexual gratification with the specifier that the offender is at least 4 to 5 years older than the child. The age qualifier is added to eliminate developmentally normal childhood sex play (eg, two 8-year-olds “playing doctor”). By this definition, a 13-year-old who touches an 8-year-old would be considered a child molester but would not meet criteria to be a pedophile. The NIBRS data on juvenile sexual assaults found that 40% of assaults against children younger than 12 years were committed by juveniles, with the most frequent age of the offenders being 14 years old.Data from the study by Abel and Harlow showed that 40% of child molesters, who were later diagnosed as having pedophilia, had molested a child by the time they were 15 years old. An estimated 88% of child molesters and 95% of molestations (one person, multiple acts) are committed by individuals who now or in the future will also meet criteria for pedophilia. Pedophilic child molesters on average commit 10 times more sexual acts against children than nonpedophilic child molester

In general, most individuals who engage in pedophilia or paraphilias are male. There was a time when it was believed that females could not be pedophiles because of their lack of long-term sexual urges unless they had a primary psychotic disorder. When women were studied for sexually inappropriate behavior directed toward children, these behaviors were classified as “sexual abuse” or “molestation” but not pedophilia. From federal data on sexual crimes, females were reported to be the “molester” in 6% of all juvenile cases. The study by Abel and Harlow of 4007 “child molesters” found 1% to be female, but the authors believed this number was low because of the systematic underreporting of women for molestation. One reason why acts of pedophilia committed by women are underreported is that many acts are not recognized because they occur during the course of regular “nurturing or care-giving activities,” such as when bathing and dressing children. Another reason is that when adult women engage in sexual acts with adolescent boys, others do not perceive this activity as abuse but rather a fortunate rite of passage. The law sees it otherwise.

Pedophilic women tend to be young (22-33 years old); have poor coping skills; may meet criteria for the presence of a psychiatric disorder, particularly depression or substance abuse; and frequently also meet criteria for being personality disordered (antisocial, borderline, narcissistic, dependent). In incidents in which women are identified as being involved in sexually inappropriate acts with children, there is an increased chance of a male pedophile being involved as well.  When a male co-offender is involved, usually more than 1 child is involved. Molested children tend to be both male and female and are more likely to be related to the offender. In these cases, the female offender is also likely to have committed a nonsexual offense and a sexual offense. Cases that involve a male codefendant rightfully or wrongfully often do not result in the woman being charged. Unless specifically stated, the rest of this article deals with male pedophiles because most studies are based on male offenders.


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Pedophiles Can Be Anyone:

source :

Pedophiles can be anyone — old or young, rich or poor, educated or uneducated, non-professional or professional, and of any race. However, pedophiles often demonstrate similar characteristics, but these are merely indicators and it should not be assumed that individuals with these characteristics are pedophiles. But knowledge of these characteristics coupled with questionable behavior can be used as an alert that someone may be a pedophile.

Characteristics of a Pedophile :

  • Often the pedophile is male and over 30 years of age.
  • Single or with few friends in his age group.
  • If married, the relationship is more “companion” based with no sexual relations.
  • He is often vague about time gaps in employment which may indicate a loss in employment for questionable reasons or possible past incarceration.

Pedophiles Like Child-like Activities:

  • He is often fascinated with children and child activities appearing to prefer those activities to adult oriented activities.
  • He will often refer to children in pure or angelic terms using descriptives like innocent, heavenly, divine, pure, and other words that describe children but seem inappropriate and exaggerated.
  • He has hobbies that are child-like such as collecting popular expensive toys, keeping reptiles or exotic pets, or building plane and car models.

Pedophiles Often Prefer Children Close to Puberty:

  • Pedophiles often have a specific age of child they target. Some prefer younger children, some older.
  • Often his environment or a special room will be decorated in child-like decor and will appeal to the age and sex of the child he is trying to entice.
  • Many pedophiles often prefer children close to puberty who are sexually inexperienced, but curious about sex.

Pedophiles Work Around Children:

The pedophile will often be employed in a position that involves daily contact with children. If not employed, he will put himself in a position to do volunteer work with children, often in a supervisory capacity such as sports coaching, contact sport instruction, unsupervised tutoring or a position where he has the opportunity to spend unsupervised time with a child.

The Target Child:

The pedophile often seeks out shy, handicapped, and withdrawn children, or those who come from troubled homes or under privileged homes. He then showers them with attention, gifts, taunting them with trips to desirable places like amusement parks, zoo’s, concerts, the beach and other such places.

Manipulation of the Innocent:

Pedophiles work to master their manipulative skills and often unleash them on troubled children by first becoming their friend, building the the child’s self esteem. They may refer to the child as special or mature, appealing to their need to be heard and understood then entice them with adult type activities that are often sexual in content such as x-rated movies or pictures. They offer them alcohol or drugs to hamper their ability to resist activities or recall events that occurred.

Stockholm Syndrome :

It is not unusual for the child to develop feelings for the predator and desire their approval and continued acceptance. They will compromise their innate ability to decipher good and bad behavior, ultimately justifying the criminal’s bad behavior out of sympathy and concern for the adults welfare. This is often compared to Stockholm Syndrome – when victims become attached emotionally to their captors.

The Single Parent:

Many times pedophiles will develop a close relationship with a single parent in order to get close to their children. Once inside the home, they have many opportunities to manipulate the children — using guilt, fear, and love to confuse the child. If the child’s parent works, it offers the pedophile the private time needed to abuse the child.

Fighting Back:

Pedophiles work hard at stalking their targets and will patiently work to develop relationships with them. It is not uncommon for them to be developing a long list of potential victims at any one time. Many of them believe that what they are doing is not wrong and that having sex with a child is actually “healthy” for the child.

Almost all pedophiles have a collection of pronography, which they protect at all costs. Many of them also collect “souvenirs” from their victims. They rarely discard either their porn or collections for any reason.

One factor that works against the pedophile is that eventually the children will grow up and recall the events that occurred. Often pedophiles are not brought to justice until such time occurs and victims are angered by being victimized and want to protect other children from the same consequences.


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Copyright © 2009, Fight Child Sexual Abuse and Pedophilia  Network  Information Education Network. All rights reserved

Seorang Pedophilia Perkosa Anak Kecil

source :  – detikinet

Toronto – Seorang laki-laki asal Kanada berhasil ditangkap polisi usai ketahuan memperkosa seorang bocah kecil. Parahnya pelecehan seksual itu berlangsung live di Internet via webcam dan disaksikan seorang polisi yang sedang menyamar sebagai pedophilia. Kaget, begitu ekspresi polisi saat melihat pelecehan seks terhadap gadis kecil yang belum sekolah itu. “Saat saya melihatnya, jantung saya langsung berdebar kencang dan saya serasa mau muntah,” tutur Detective Constable Paul Krawczyk kepada para wartawan. Krawczyk adalah salah seorang anggota dari Unit Eksploitasi Anak Toronto, yang bertugas memata-matai pedophilia di Internet. Tim Krawczyk langsung menjajaki keberadaan tersangka. Dalam waktu dua jam, polisi berhasil menemukan dan membekuk tersangka di rumahnya di St Thomas, tempat kejadian perkara (TKP) berlangsung, sekitar 200km sebelah barat daya Toronto. Demikian dilansir dan dikutip detikINET, Senin (6/11/2006). Dituturkan Krawczyk, dirinya menginvestigasi tersangka lewat chatroom. Setelah tersangka percaya bahwa Krawczyk seorang pedophilia, tersangka pun terpancing mengirimkan foto-foto terkait pornografi anak. Polisi mendakwa pria itu dengan 11 tuduhan yang berhubungan dengan pelecehan seksual dan pornografi anak, dan akan diadili Kamis ini. Polisi sendiri sengaja menyembunyikan identitas tersangka demi melindungi bocah malang yang saat ini sudah aman bersama anggota keluarganya. (dwn) ( dwn / dwn )

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